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Pierre Elliot Trudeau's Federalism and the French Canadians
Published in 1968, Federalism and the French Canadians is an
ideological anthology featuring a series of essays written by Pierre Elliot
Trudeau during his time spent with the Federal Liberal party of Canada. The
emphasis of the book deals with the problems and conflicts facing the
country during the Duplessis regime in Quebec. While Trudeau stresses his
adamant convictions on Anglophone/Francophone relations and struggles for
equality in a confederated land, he also elaborates on his own ideological
views pertaining to Federalism and Nationalism. The reader is introduced to
several essays that discuss Provincial legislature and conflict (Quebec and
the Constitutional Problem, A Constitutional Declaration of Rights) while
other compositions deal with impending and contemporary Federal
predicaments (Federal Grants to Universities, The Practice and Theory of
Federalism, Separatist Counter-Revolutionaries). Throughout all these
documented personal accounts and critiques, the reader learns that Trudeau
is a sharp critic of contemporary Quebec nationalism and that his prime
political conviction (or thesis) is sporadically reflected in each essay:
Federalism is the only possible system of government that breeds and
sustains equality in a multicultural country such as Canada.
Trudeau is fervent and stalwart in his opinions towards Federalism and
its ramifications on Canadian citizenry. Born and raised in Quebec, he
attended several prestigious institutions that educated him about the
political spectrum of the country. After his time spent at the London
School of Economics, Trudeau returned to Quebec at a time when the province
was experiencing vast differences with its Federal overseer. The Union
Nationale, a religious nationalist movement rooted deep in the heart of
Quebec culture, had forced the Federal government to reconcile and mediate
with them in order to avoid civil disorder or unrest. The Premier of Quebec
at the time, Maurice Duplessis, found it almost impossible to appease the
needs of each diverse interest group and faction rising within the province
and ultimately buckled underneath the increasing pressure. Many
Francophones believed that they were being discriminated and treated
unfairly due to the British North American Act which failed to recognize
the unique nature of the province in its list of provisions. Trudeau, with
the aid of several colleagues, fought the imminent wave of social chaos in
Quebec with anti-clerical and communist visions he obtained while in his
adolescent years. However, as the nationalist movement gained momentum
against the Provincial government, Trudeau came to the startling
realization that Provincial autonomy would not solidify Quebec's future in
the country (he believed that separatism would soon follow) and unless
Duplessis could successfully negotiate (on the issue of a constitution)
with the rest of Canada, the prospect of self-sovereignty for Quebec would
transpire.
His first essay (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem) explores the
trials and tribulations which occurred between the Provincial and Federal
governments during the ensuing constitutional problems in Canada. Trudeau
candidly lambastes and ridicules the Federal Government's inability to
recognize the economic and linguistic differences in Quebec. He defends the
province by stating that "The language provisions of the British North
American Act are very limited" and therefore believes that they continue to
divide the country and aid the nationalist movement in Quebec. Using an
informal, first person writing approach, Trudeau makes it clear that his
words are for reactionaries, not revolutionaries who are looking to destroy
the political fabric of the country. However, Trudeau considers possible
alternatives and implications in the second essay (A Constitutional
Declaration of Rights) and offers possible resolutions to the everlasting
cultural dilemma plaguing both parties involved. One of his arguments is
that the Federal government must take the initiative and begin the
constitutional sequence to modify and adapt to the growing needs of all the
provinces, not only Quebec. "One tends to forget that constitutions must
also be made by men and not by force of brutal circumstance or blind
disorder", was his response to the perpetual ignorance of the Federalist
leaders who stalled and dodged on the issue of equality and compromise
throughout the country. At this point in the essay, Trudeau relied on his
central thesis for the book and used it to prove his application of
constitutional reform using the Federal government as the catalyst. Trudeau
had already formulated his visions of the perfect constitution and how it
would include "A Bill of Rights that would guarantee the fundamental
freedoms of the citizen from intolerance, whether federal or provincial".
Each and every one of his proposals demonstrated innovative thought and
pragmatic resolve for a striving politician who believed in Democracy
before Ideology. The emphasis he places on equality and individualism is a
testimonial to his character and integrity as a politician. The next essay
(The Practice and Theory of Federalism) is the opening composition for
Trudeau's firm stance on Federalism and how it can be applied to the
current Executive system of administration already in turmoil with its
dominion. "Federalism is by its very essence a compromise and a pact" is
his comment on why the Federal government of Canada has a responsibility to
seek out the general consensus of the people when dealing with
constitutional reform. This reinforces his central thesis for the book
which is mentioned in the opening paragraph of this critique; however,
their is a partial, obstructed observation made on Trudeau's part when he
declines to mention the efforts of the contemporary Federal bureau which
had made attempts to negotiate with Quebec (although in vain). Finally, the
last essay (Federalism, Nationalism and Reason) is a creative piece of
literature in which Trudeau exonerates the possibility of state
manipulation and exploitation in dealing with the masses (the socialist
tendencies of Trudeau are quite blatant through his immense historical
knowledge and political shrewdness). Although he brings up the possible
implications of a rejected Federalist state, he seems to scorn and laugh at
the idea; "Separatism a revolution? My eye. A counter-revolution; the
national socialist counter-revolution". Such passages are indicative of the
attitude Trudeau held towards the political disorder of his own country and
magnifies his disgust towards the sluggish and immobile Duplessis regime.
Throughout all these radical and riveting compositions, the reader is faced
with an extremely unorthodox writing style which consists of both formal
and informal essay techniques.
Federalism and the French Canadians presents the reader with a
superlative ideological perspective of "how" and "why" the executive branch
of the country should be functioning in the eyes of Pierre Trudeau.
Although recognized as nothing more than a political activist at the time
of the ongoing political/social crisis in Canada, Trudeau served as an
adviser to the Privy Council Office in 1950 and subsequently became a
professor of Law at the University of Montreal in 1960. His inauguration
into the Federal Liberal Party in 1965 as well as his future involvement
with the Federal government (Constitutional Lawyer, Minister of Justice,
Prime Minister of Canada) would bolster his credibility in this book. Not
only does he stress the importance and validity of the Canadian political
scope when dealing with his theories, but his historical and economical
evaluation of the world in general serves as a competent and impartial
method of comparing analogies. Trudeau had always been labelled as a
radical or socialist, but upon reading his anthology, the reader accepts
the notion that he was an advocate of liberalism and democracy. I would
consider his interpretations of Federalism and Quebec heritage as being
substantially valid even in the acrimonious way in which Trudeau addresses
the issues; "Without equality, one has a dictatorship" (such indiscriminate
assessments of the Canadian government magnify the strength AND weaknesses
of each essay) . The only visible weakness in his analysis would be the
position in which he views the Provincial government under Duplessis (weak,
subordinate, naive) and this perhaps taints most of his bi-partisan
observations towards how the Federal government would treat Francophones
under a unilateral constitution. Otherwise, each and every proposition
presented to the reader is heavily supported and reinforced by the central
theme in the book which, in effect, could be viewed as a strength; he
supports the majority of his Federalist arguments with quotes from noted
dignitaries and political leaders from the past and present such as Lord
Acton (while defending Federalism in Canada), Mao Tse-Tung (when referring
to Quebec's hostile and intolerance with Canada), Aristotle (when
discussing the perfect democratic union with Quebec) and Nikita Khrushchev
(in support of constitutional reform and the possible effects of
Dictatorships). Several of his essays had also been published in Montreal
and Toronto during the late 1960's and his address to the Canadian Bar
Association on September 4th, 1967 is featured in its entirety in his book
(Trudeau used these facts to strengthen and reinforce his expertise and
experience in the field).
The material featured in Federalism and the French Canadians is
excessively difficult to digest and should be read by a student who is
familiar with the historical and political dilemmas presented in the
compositions. Although efficiently organized (dealing with Quebec and
social bedlam followed by solutions offered by Federalism), the book is a
challenge to understand in respects to how Trudeau plunges into each
scenario and issue with enormous furor and enthusiasm. He generally expects
the reader to have a large degree of background knowledge on the subject of
Federalism and Quebec. Without being informed beforehand on the domestic
difficulties of the country, this particular reader surely would have been
drowned in a sea of political jargon and complex narrative insight.
Nevertheless, Pierre Trudeau captivated my imagination with his perspective
of life in Canada and the future of the country without a stable government.
"My political action; or my theory - insomuch as I can be said to have one
- can be expressed very simply: create counter-weights", is how Trudeau
described the rationale behind his ideological thinking and how he
downplayed the stagnant political situation in Canada that suppressed its
greatest strength; representation and unity by a multicultural society...a
government that enshrined the rights and liberties of its people and
distributed the freedom and respect accordingly regardless of ethnic or
cultural discrepancies. I thoroughly enjoyed reading this complex and
unprecedented book; it provided a concise and insightful portrait of the
role that Federalism plays in Quebec's backyard during the middle of the
20th century. For a student who finds imself caught up in 21st century
politics, it is both a shock and a pleasant surprise to climb back into
history and discover the productive and ideological perspective of a man
who would eventually rise to the occasion and become Prime Minister of
Canada. Material such as this should be featured on the curriculum for all
students to gaze upon, let alone only be recommended by critics who have
studied the works of Trudeau. Such monumental beliefs embodied into one man
is reason enough for a student in University or High School to open
Federalism and the French Canadians and learn more about Pierre Elliot
Trudeau.
ADDITIONAL FEATURED ESSAYS
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